P. R. Sarkar
The inevitable consequence of capitalist exploitation is proletariat revolution. When capitalists, maddened with excessive greed, lose their common sense completely and bid farewell to humanism totally, it is time for proletariat revolution to burst forth. But it will be futile to expect it just because of the ripe time. For this, conditions relating to place and person are also largely responsible.
From the economic standpoint, where there exists two classes – the exploiting capitalists and exploited proletariat – revolution takes place at such a time indeed, but at such a time if there be no intellectuals and fighters, from the mental standpoint, or in other words if people are proletarian economically but not intellectuals or fighters mentally, proletariat revolution is not possible. Those that are mentally proletarians are not capable of bringing about revolution. They are battle-shy. They are the playthings of the capitalists. During the hey-day of the capitalist era, capitalists easily kept in their clutches such proletarian-minded workers. Nay, even the martial-minded or intellectual workers, if they are not spirited enough, get themselves sold to the capitalists. Therefore, eventually, proletariat revolution has to depend on those workers who are sufficiently spirited and who are mentally intellectual or fighters. Without taking into account the mental cast, those who want to bring about the revolution of the proletariat only with the help of the working class, will come a cropper.
Revoloutionary middle class
The moral and the virtuous may be found among both the rich and the poor. It is known to everybody that the notion that rich means dishonest and poor means honest is totally wrong. But in most cases spirituo-moralists will be found particularly in the middle class society. By middle class society I mean the intellectual or martially-minded workers. It may be argued that, “can’t a rich person, who is moral and virtuous, be a moralist?” In reply, I would say, yes, s/he can, but s/he will have to come down to the level of the bourgeoisie, for s/he shall not relax snugly with his or her ill-gotten capital and eat idly. In order to observe and abide by the rules of PROUT, s/he has to fight against wrong and injustice, and in order to continue this fight properly s/he shall cease to be a rich person, but will become middle class. The interpretation of the word moralist is one who is a moral and virtuous person and fights against unjust policies. Earning money wrongfully or hoarding inordinate wealth runs counter to the fundamental principles of PROUT, without which proletariat revolution can never be successful. It may be argued again that, “can’t a poor person be a moralist?” Yes, s/he can, but only those poor people who are martially-minded or intellectuals can bring about revolution, and those very poor people I call the middle class. This is how I interpret the middle class. I do not see eye to eye with those who say the middle class people are those who do not do physical labor but render intellectual service, nor with those who say, those whose incomes are neither high nor low constitute the middle class. Taking the last interpretation of middle class I see that there are many martially-minded or intellectual workers in society whose incomes are far less than those of the proletariat-minded workers doing physical labor. If anybody takes exception to this appellation of middle class, or if anybody insists that middle class means those whose incomes are neither more nor less, and so the pioneers of revolution – the martially-minded or the intellectual workers – may or may not be middle class, I am ready to use the term discontented or disgruntled workers, instead of middle class, for the revolutionary workers. This disgruntled worker society, is the eye sore of the tyrannical capitalists. Actually the capitalists are not afraid of labor unrest, they are afraid of the labor leaders, these disgruntled workers.
Constitutionally the capitalists like democracy, for in a democratic set-up they easily buy off the proletariat-minded workers by force of money. Numerically these proletariat-minded workers are in the majority. At the time of election it is easy to sail across the election-styx after exhorting them with a mouthful of tall talks and promises. Thereafter no harm, even if they forget all about their tall promises, for the proletariat- minded workers themselves easily forget all about them. It can be asserted with emphasis that if, in any of the countries, only the educated people had been given voting rights instead of the general adult franchise, the administrative or state structures of most of the democratic countries would have played quite a different tune. If the voting rights had remained in the hands of the moralists only, there would have been no difference at all between the world of reality and the heaven of imagination. The condition of the middle class people, the disgruntled workers, is miserable in most of the countries having a capitalistic social system and democratic structure. The reason is that these are the people who are the greatest critics of capitalism and the greatest opponents of capitalistic exploitation. The numerical growth of such disgruntled workers is indeed prognostic of or presages a potential proletariat revolution. Therefore those who want an exploitation-free world should help in maximizing the number of these disgruntled workers. Their extinction or their transformation into proletariat-minded workers is detrimental to revolution.
All the moralists of the world should be alert and vigilant so that the number of these disgruntled workers does not diminish as the result of unemployment problems, birth control or other different practices and policies. Revolution means a great change. For a change to come or to bring about a change, it is not that bloodshed is inevitable. But then if the majority of the disgruntled workers be martially- minded or if their martial influence be dominant, revolution indeed comes through sanguinary clashes. It cannot, however, be emphatically said that, without bloodshed or intellectual clashes, a revolution cannot come. Bloodless revolution is only possible if the number and influence of the intellectuals among the disgruntled workers be very great. But we cannot expect the last named possibility and so it has to be said that the popular emancipation, in most cases, is blood-soaked. Some claim that they are capable of bringing in socialism or universalism or mass emancipation through democratic methods. On the whole the fundamental policy of the welfare state is also the same.
The disgruntled workers who take the leadership of the proletariat revolution are imbued with martial qualities with regard to courage, dynamism and strength of mind to take the risks and hazards of life. After the proletariat revolution the leadership of society indeed comes to these disgruntled workers, when their martial qualities come into prominence still more conspicuously and vigorously. In the post-revolutionary era they should no longer be called the disgruntled workers. At such a stage they become the martial class of the second social cycle. Those that keep vigilant eyes on these militants, lest they land in the role of exploiters subsequently, are indeed the moral, virtuous and undaunted fighters – the sadvipras. If the militants take to exploitation, the moralists shall fight against them and establish the intellectual era in the second phase of the social cycle. Then again if the intellectuals take to exploitation, the moralists shall fight against the intellectuals and pave the way for the capitalist era of the second social cycle. Afterwards, if the capitalists take to exploitation or want to play the role of exploiters, then these moralists shall incite and inspire disgruntled workers and bring about proletariat revolution for the second time.
So the social cycle shall go on and on. None can stop this rotation. If we call the post-revolution martial era the thesis, then the counter-step, taken by moralists against the militants disposed to exploitation, we shall call the antithesis and resultant indication of post-revolution intellectual era following this fight, the synthesis. Later on if the intellectuals take to exploitation, the counter-move then taken by the moralists against them will be known as the antithesis, and so at that time instead of calling the post-martial intellectual era synthesis, we may call it the thesis of the next phase. None, not even the moralists, can stop the rotation of the social cycle. The moralists, established in the central hub of the social cycle, shall be alert and awake, keeping a vigilant eye on the process of rotation. After the martial era will come the intellectual era and after the intellectual era will begin the capitalist era, and then proletariat revolution – like this, one era will always follow another. The moralists cannot stop this process. But then they must be vigilant, so that after the establishment of the post-revolutiony martial era the militants may not take the role of exploiters but only govern the society as its guarantors. The moment the militants give indications of exploitation, the moralists shall immediately bring about the antithesis and thereby end the martial era. They shall take similar steps in the intellectual as well as the capitalist eras. That is to say, instead of letting the society drift towards natural evolution they shall facilitate social revolution as per necessity. Therefore the moralists shall have no rest, ever. Such a time will never come in the life of a moralist when he or she will relax in an armchair and say, “Ah, I have nothing to do today. Let me rest a while.”
In the first phase of the human history of the world, a moralist society has not yet formed itself. In most countries the last part of the first phase is on the move. Only in a few countries the post-revolutiony marital era has been established. At some places the intellectual era is just around the corner. In the absence of a moralist society the social cycle is moving on its natural round. In every age, government of the predominant class is being followed by exploitation and thereafter comes evolution or revolution. For want of moralists’ assistance, the foundation of human society is lacking firmness. Today, I extend my earnest request to all reasonable, virtuous and moral fighters that they form a good, well-disciplined moralists society without further delay. These moralists shall work for the good of all countries, for the all-round emancipation of all humanity. The downtrodden humanity of this disgraced world is looking up to the eastern horizon, awaiting their advent with earnest zeal and eagerness impatiently. Let the cimmerian darkness of the interlunar night disappear with their advance. Let humanity of the new day of the new sunrise wake up in the new world!
Excerpted from P.R. Sarkar, Human Society, Part Two
Copyright Ananda Marga Publication 2011
2 thoughts on “Proletarian Revolution and Post-capitalist Society”
The P.R. Sarkar PROUT socio-economic system seems like being between communism and capitalism, a bit like the Social-Credit system of Clifford Hugh Douglas and/or the Green Book and charter of Libya (mathaba.net) and/or the webofdebt of Ellen Brown.____Jean ___from Toronto
See also TheThirdUniversalTheory of the GreenBook