Bengal In Search Of Revolution

Acarya Krtashivananda Avadhuta

6th chapter of the book by the same name, published by Proutist Universal, Kolkata, India in 1989. With minimal edits and additional notes. A scan of the original book is available.

Dedicated to:
Those revolutionaries of Bengal who gave their life to lay the foundation of revolution and those silent revolutionaries who have taken up the noble task to advance the cause of revolution through extreme sacrifice.

In spite of the influence of passive psychology and perennial exploitation, Bengal has always revolted against dominating forces. Whether in the Mughal period or the British period, Bengal has never given peace to its tyrannical rulers. In the light of Bengal’s present condition of social and economic misery, we must analyse revolutionary attempts of Bengal in the twentieth century and understand the reasons for their failure.

In 1905, Lord Curzon, Viceroy of Bengal, partitioned Bengal to destroy its integrity and political strength. In doing so, he actually planted the seed of political consciousness in Bengal and in India as a whole. Serious political movements started up from this moment. On August 7, 1905, a huge conference was organised in the town hall of Calcutta. People from all walks of life assembled at this conference. Four resolutions were passed:

The first resolution affirmed that the act of partition of Bengal was unjust, undesirable and detrimental to the social, moral and economic progress of Bengal. The second resolution condemned the sinister motives behind the partition. The third resolution proposed, “In innumerable conferences all over Bengal it has been proposed to boycott British goods. As a protest against partition we are approving this decision to boycott.” The fourth resolution proposed to continue the resistance movement until the partition law was withdrawn.

This proposal to boycott British goods and the nation-wide movement created and emotional response from all over Bengal, and later it spread to other parts of India. People from different classes of society, including intellectuals like Rabindranath Thakur, Rajanikanta Sen and Dvijendralal Roy actively supported this movement. The famous song “Vande Mataram”, composed by Bankim Chandra, was accepted as the national song by the freedom fighters of Bengal and later of whole India. Its popularity and emotional impact can be compared only with that of the famous song “Le Marseillaise” of the French revolution. Students participated in this movement with great fervour and earnestness.

The national movement achieved momentum due to the following reasons:

1. Bengali newspapers, especially Sandhya and Jugantar, promoted the sentiment for the movement quite successfully.
2. Various societies, such as the Dawn Society1 and Anti-Circular Society,2 were created to protest against the injustice. Also, innumerable conferences and meetings were held throughout Bengal. 
3. Poets like Rabindranath Thakur, D.L Roy and Rajanikanta Sen composed emotional songs which inspired the people and strengthened their will.
4. The “boycott British goods” was accepted as an act of Dharma, a moral and courageous effort.

This movement affected the national psychology to such an extent, that it grew in size and intensity like a huge river born from a small spring. Ultimately, this movement was converted into the freedom movement of India. From 1905 to 1947, many movements appeared and merged with the main flow of freedom struggle, until India achieved its political independence in 1947. A British historian commented that it had to be accepted that the freedom struggle of India was begun in 1905. Mahatma Gandhi wrote in 1908, “The real renaissance of India occurred after the partition of Bengal. This act of partition will be the cause of the segregation of the British Empire.”3

The British writer Valentino Chirol commented on the political uprising following the partition “The matter of partition of Bengal is of secondary question now. The main question, which has been expressed indirectly, has become the open desire. The question is no more whether there will be one or two provinces under the British, but the main question now is whether the British will at all administer Bengal and India.”4

In 1905, in his presidential speech during the Congress session in Varanasi, Gokhale commented, “The way this national movement has united the people is unprecedented in the British rule in India. This will always be considered as a bold step to rekindle national consiousness.”5 As a result of this movement, a new political party was born under the leadership of Bipin Chandra Pal and Aravinda Gosho f Bengal, Balgangadhar Tilak of Bombay and Lala Lajpat Rai of Punjab. Their goal was total freedom and not dominion status like the moderates suggested. Later, Chiitaranjan Das appeared in the forefront of national leadership under the banner of the Swaraj Party. After his death on June 16, 1925 Bengal’s prominence in national leadership ended, with the exception of Subhas Chandra Bose.

The social and cultural renaissance in Bengal prepared the ground for political awakening. The political consciousness, which changed thinking from 1905 onwards, was not caused by political reasons aonly. The social awakening had influenced the collective psychology of Bengal to a very large degree. This is the reason why Bengal always believed in revolution.

“When the non-violent struggle was countered with suppressive measures, Bengal valiantly decided to adopt the path of armed struggle. The revolutionary programme can be categorised as follows:

1. To initiate the Indian army personnel in revolutionary ideals.
2. Collection of arms.
3. Armed robbery to raise funds.
4. Surprise attacks on British officials, spies, and
5. Open confrontation if needed.”6

The leading groups of this armed struggle for freedom where Anushilan Samity,7 Jugantar and later Bengal volunteers. Historians differ on the wisdom of this approach but it is true that these revolutionaries projected high moral values, courage and self-sacrifice. Though aware of the grave consequences of their actions, the young people of Bengal took up armns against the British rule.

Analysing the activities of these groups, it can be commented that their revolutionary programme was confined mostly yo terrorist actions, with a few exceptions. Commenting on this, Aravinda Gosh, one of the leading members of the Anushilan Samity, commented:

“The national movement has created much commotion and fear in government circles. As a result, the government has resorted to repressive measures. Students have been fined, expelled from, schools , colleges , imprisoned, punished and even flogged in public. When it crossed the limit of tolerance, the revolutionaries decided to retaliate. The revolution gradually took the form of terrorism.” He also commented: “To kill a few British personnel or armed robbery was not the part of my revolutionary vision. But when movement finds popular support, then I do not like to oppose it.”8

The leader of Anushilan Samity, Barin Gosh, said in his confession: “We never believed that freedom can be achieved through political murder. But we believed that this has the sanction of the people.”9 Behind this psychology of armed struggle there was another consideration. The revolutionaries believed that in this way they would be able to break the slumbers of the Indian nation. This was known as “the psychology of the bomb”.

Which ideals inspired these revolutionaries? Of course, they studied the history of revolution around the world, especially the lives of Garibaldi, Matzini and others. Their main inspiration though was the scripture of Giita, and the characters of Ananda Math, the famous novel by Bankim Chandra. Each revolutionary had to take an oath with the Giita in one hand and a sword in the other. This indicated their spiritual inspiratipon for an eternal struggle for freedom.

The first bomb was thrown on April 30, 1908. It waas organised by the Anushilan Samity. The next day, all its leaders, including Arabinda Gosh, were arrested. According to historians, this incident gave much momentum to the freedom struggle in India. Young Indians began to believe that armed revolt was possible and essential. Arabinda Gosh was ultimately released. Later he distanced himself from the political movement and adopted the life of a saint in Pondicherry. The world knows about this saint and philosopher but it hardly knows that once he was the inspiration for the revolutionaries of Bengal.

The second phase of armed struggle was initiated by the famous revolutionaries Jatindra Mohan Mukherjii, Rasbehari Bose, M.N. Roy and others in 1915. Two strstegies were adapted. One was to create revolt in the arimy and the second was to simultenously attack the vital machinery and personnel of the government and to paralyse it.

Rashbehari Bose took the responsibility to find support in the army in north-west India. He was assisted by Avadh Bihari and Pingley of north India. The Gadar party also extended their support. Germany agreed to supply two shiploads of arms. M.N. Roy was given the responsibility to take delivery of the arms in Batavia (present Jakarta). Jatin Mukherjee (popularly known as Bagha Jatin) took upon himself the responsibility for the final assault. This plan ultimately failed, due to betrayal and a defective organisation. The two ship loads of arms were intercepted by the British, and the whereabouts of the leaders were discovered. Jatin Mukharjee died in the open conflict, Rashbehari Bose escaped to Japan and M.N. Roy went to USA, then to Mexico and finally to Russia. Later, these men played a vital role in the freedom struggle, which will be mentioned later. The main defect of this attempt was that popular, large-scale political support was ignored. A people’s base was not created, neither were they educated along revolutionary lines.

The third prominent event in this struggle was initiated in 1930 by Surya Sen (popularly known as Master da) of Chattagram. In between, many isolated actions were organised, which were mostly of retaliatory nature. Master da was a member of Bengal Volunteers, organised in 1928 by Subhas Bose. In Chattagram he organised a group in the name of the Indian Republican Army.10

On April 18, 1930, the Indian Republican Army attacked and captured the Chattagram armoury, and the police station. Chattagram was free for three days. After three days, army reinforcements arrived. Master da and his group took shelter om a nearby hill, Jalalabad, and faced the army in open confrontation. That was the end of their open struggle. Master da avoided arrest and continued to organise sporadic attacks against British personnel. After his arrest on February 2nd and of his assistant, Tarakeshvar Dastidar, on the May 18, 1933, this glorious chapter was closed.

The aim of this revolt was limited. They only wanted to keep an example of gallant sacrifice and to inspire young Bengal to take up arms against the British rules.

After 1933, this type of revolutionary activity subsided for almost nine years. One reason for this pause was that the Communist Party, which was constantly preaching Marxist ideals and Soviet strategy of revolution, opposed armed struggle which was not under their command. Secondly, the Congress party under Mahatma Gandhi always opposed armed struggle against the British.

Gandhijii came to the forefront of leadership by manipulating the mass sentiment with his non-violent doctrine and periodic fasting. Gandhijii pooses all kinds of violent reprisal against the British and also opposed the idea of economic revolution. This is the reason that the top capitalists of India have always supported Gandhijii and his followers.

The passive attitude and religious image og Gandhijii suited the age old passive tradition of Indian people. Hence he could mobilise mass support. This tendency of Gandhijii and the Congress Party discouraged the revolutionary attempts of young India.

Before elucidating the impact of the “42 movement”, and the struggle opf the Indian National Army led by Subhas Chandra Bose on the eastern front, and the role of the Communist Party, the inherent shortcoming og the gallant attempts by young Bengal and India should be analysed.

These revolutionary groups dissociated themselves from any mass organisation. They lacked clear-cut political programs, They distanced themselves from social and economic revolution and lacked socio-economic programme. There was no coordination between the different groups which hindered the development of spontaneous mass support. In many cases the police was successful in instigating villagers to work against them by branding them as anti-social and criminals. These groups did not receive patronage from the prominent political parties. Also, attempts at overthrowing the British government had never converged into a unified political movement. Inter-party rivalry, polticial groupism, and the passive attitude of Congress leaders toward armed revolt, created a big gap between the political leadership and the revolting youth.

The 42 movement is popularly known as the August revolution. After 1934, Gandhijii practically distanced himself from mass political agitation. The Second World War started in 1939. The British had to retreat from various fronts in Southeast Asia as Japan advanced towards India. After the fall of Rangoon and Burma, Cripps arrived from England to discuss the question of self-determination for the Indian people. The Cripps mission was rejected by the Congress and the Muslim league.

Gandhijii suddenly decided to launch a powerful movement against the British to compel to leave India. On the 14 July, 1942, in the meeting of the Congress Committee, the famous resolution of Gandhijii, “Quit India,” was adopted. He demanded that British rule in India should end immediately. He further mentioned, “If the British fail to accept this proposal, then India will start a more powerful non-violent movement than that of 1920 to secure its justified demand.”11

On August 7, 1942, the Wardha resolution was accepted on a session of the All India Congress Committee in Bombay. The resolution stated, “As far as possible, people will start non-violent movements all over India under the leadership of Gandhijii.”12 Two historical slogans, “Quit India” and “Do or die”, projected the spirit and purpose of the movement in a strong and emotional way. The Congress session ended on 8th August and all its prominent leaders, including Gandhijii, was arrrested on the morning of August 9, 1942.

This action by the government created an adverse effect. The whole country rose up against the British and the movement crossed the boundary of non-violence. Attacks on railway lines, post offices, government offices and personell continued as the prople vented their emotions. At the same time the British responded with ruthless tyranny and oppression surpassing all civilised norms.

The role of Medinipur district of Bengal, where the movement was most effective and well organised, as was the repressive measures, must be mentioned. Compared with the Chattagram revolt, this movement was far more widespread and spontaneous. In Chattagram, there was no popular participation whereas in Medinipur, all classes of people spontaneously joined the movement. Three days after the revolt in Chattagram, government control was established. In Medinipur, a national government in the Tamluk subdivision was established for one and a half years, from December 17, 1942 to August 8, 1944. Finally, in Medinipur, the barbarous tyranny of the British surpassed all limits. Arson, burning of homes, inhuman torture on a mass scale, mass raping was carried out to horrify the people. The British reaction can only be compared with the Nazi torture of Jews and the ruthless torture by the Soviet Russia on East European countries. If a trial like Nuremberg could have been held further episodes of ruthless torture by the British on the helpless people of Bengal would have been revealed.

Without going into further details, a few more words should be mentioned about the August movement of Medinipur. According to a government report:

“In Medinipur, in Bengal, the operations of the rebels indicated considerable care and planning, effective warning systems had been devised, elementary tactical principles were observed, for instance, encirclement and flanking movements clearly on prearranged signals. The forces of disorder were accompanied by doctors and nursing orderlies to attend the causalities and its intelligence system was effective.”13

The August movement did not remain confined to Medinipur or Bengal. It erupted all over India. Jayprakash Narayan, Rammanohar Lohia and Aurna Asaf Ali of the Socialist party were the leaders of the movement.

After being released from prison, Gandhijii and other Congress leaders denounced this movement because of its violent nature and withdrew their approval of it. Due to this, some historians commented that Gandhijii had no creadit for the 42 movement which had widened the eparth of political freedom. Gandhijii subsequently withdrew his slogans “Quit India” and “Do or die”. He even proposed to cooperate with the British government and adopted to his traditional passive tactics to pray and beg for freedom from the government. The August movement dies before the end of 1942, with Medinipur being the only exception.

Though the August movement was spontaneous, it was not well coordinated. All India Congress leaders ultimately betraye the movement as the Communist Party. The aim of the August movement was limited to achieving political freedom. In that respect it convinced the people of India nd the British rulers that their days in India were numbered.

The last phase of revolutionary struggle was initiated by the Indian National Army on the eastern front led by Subhas Chandra Bose.

In the year 1921, Subhas Chandra Bose started his political training under the guide=ance of Chittaranjan Das. In 1928, he organised volunteers on the eve of a Congress session in Calcutta. Though he was a prominent Congress leader, Subhas had deep sympathy and moral support for the revolutionaries. He himself believed in armed revolution. His deep political insight and powerful personality brought him into the limelight of the freedom struggle. The British government was very much concerned about his views and activities. Many times he was elected the Presiden of Congress. In 1939, he contested against the candidate nominated by Gandhijiii and defeated him. I retaliation, Gandhijii persuaded the Congress to oust Subhas from the Congress Party. Subhas then formed his own political party, the Forward Bloc. In January 1941, he escaped from India to avoid arrest and came to Germany. His only aim was to oust the British from the soil of India. He never contributed to the views and imperailist designs of Hitler. Subhas only followed the age old dictum of politics, “there is no friend, only my enemy’s enemy is my friend.” In southeast Asia, Rashbeharid Bose organised the Indian Independence League with the cooperation of Indians there. He also laid the foundation of the Indian National Army with the prisoners of war of the British Indian Army. The Japanese government helped him in this endeavour. Later Rashbehari invited Subhas to come to Rangoon to assume the leadership of the Indian National Army and of the Indian Independence Laegue.

In 1943, Subhas secretly arrived in Rangoon from Germany by submarine. A provisional government was formed with Subhas Chandra Bose as its President as well as Commander-In-Chief of the Indian National Army (INA). Germany, Japan and Italy recognised the government. In 1944, the historic march of the INA commenced through Kohima, Imphal and Manipur with the slogan “On to Delhi”.

Military, the INA was defeated. Japan could not extend its help to INA and in addition the consciousness of the people of India was to raised in support of such a struggle. The Congress leaders, who were quite aware of this war effort, could have coordinated with it and support through mass scale political uprising like that of the 42 movement. Congress, however, preferred to keep the people in the dark and even denounced it, at the instance of the British government, as Japanese aggression. Following the war, when the officers of INA faced trial in Delhi, people came to know the truth and an emotional surge of support swept through the nation for INA and its chief Subash Chandra Bose. The government was forced to release those INA officers. This struggle definitely influenced the British to hasten their departure from India, and within two years they left India.

It has to be mentioned here that the Communist Party opposed both the 42 movement and the INA invasion. They made no contribution whatsoever to the freedom struggle of India.

Subhas Chandra Bose added a glorious chapter to the freedom struggle of India. In post-independence India people never believed that he had died. He became the symbol of a charismatic leader. Today, forty years after the emotion and tension, we can analyse with calm deliberation his role in building a revolution.

Subhas Bose adopted the same geo-political sentiment as that of the Congress Party. It has been proven later that geo-political sentiment has failed to eradicate economic and social exploitation. Subhas did not realise the importance of socio-cultural revolution to prepare the psychological background for revolution. He also had failed to create congenial socio-political consciousness and proper organisational infra-structure within the country to support the INA invasion. Though a spiritualist himself he did not realise the need for collective spiritual awakening for the revitalisation of society which was suffocating under the grip of dogma and superstition.

Ravindranath Thakur was one of those rare personalities who realised the importance of cultural revolution. Though he participated in the political movement of 1905, he soon distanced himself from the main flow of the nationalistic movement. He realised that without reviving the self-confidence of society as a whole it would be difficult to inspire them for the freedom struggle. Giving a clarion call to leaders, he wrote:

“Oh poet! Then rise up,
If you have only life, then offer that.
There is an ocean of pain
in this troublesome world.
It is filled with poverty, emptiness, narrowness and darkness.
They need food, vitality, light and open air,
health, strength and vigour,
a heart bold and desperate.
Oh poet! In the midst of this hollowness
once you bring from heaven
the image of confidence.”

In the early years of the 20th Century his writings inspired the nationalistic struggle. Later, he projected purely humanistic ideals. His struggle was not only against the British imperialism but also against all kinds of slavery, superstition, dogma and oppression. Freedom is the birthright of all. It is not at all essential to confine oneself within the narrow boundaries of nationalism in search of freedom. His voice never remained silent against the oppression of the ruling class. In the year 1919, to protest against the massacre in Jaliwanwalabag (Punjab), he returned his knighthood to the British government. His intellectual friend, William Rothenstein, wrote from England that he was a writer by profession and should not interfere in politics. Ravindranath refuted this in powerful language that will remain inscribed in golden letters in history. He wrote back with his mighty pen: “Politics is not mere abstraction. It does intrude into my life where I am human. It kills and maims individuals, it uses its sacred sword of justice for the purpose of massacre and exploitation, and I cannot say to myself, Oh poet, you have nothing to do with these facts because they belong to politics.”

The Bengal renaissance started with Rammohan Roy in the 1830s and culminated with Ravindranath in the 1930s. Unfortunately, the intellectual renaissance of that period was not accompanied by spiritual awakening of society. Moreover, the political movement was not coordinated with an all-round struggle against the economic exploitation and cultural decadence of society. As a result, though India achieved its political freedom, the new ruling class continued to collaborate with the exploiting class and a new privileged class was born. India is moving fast towards cultural degeneration, and complete political and social disintegration. The gap between rich and poor is increasing. Leaders are selfish, corrupt and incapable. Moral degeneration has reached its zenith. India is moving towards decadence like a ship with neither pilot nor rudder.

[Analysis of the role of the Communist Party in India omitted here, pages 111-119 in the original book. Interested readers may turn to the scanned book.]

The uprising of Bangladesh against the Pakistani domination in 1971 was to some extent a successful revolution. It was successful because it could mobilise the sentiment of the whole nation against linguistic exploitation, economic exploitation and political domination. The people and the leaders of Bangladesh successfully distinguished the exploiters from the exploited. That was why the whole nation supported the cause and fought, almost without arms. But this movement also had it shortcomings. There was no clear vision for reconstructing the society. Old political feuds have already caused three military coups. The capitalist economic structure is causing enormous economic hardship to people. The society is still influenced by superstition and religious dogma. Local leaders do not hesitate to incite different narrow sentiments to meet their political ends. Even noe a section of leaders are trying to impose the Arab language thereby paving the way for Arab imperialism. Bengal has yet to realise even a fraction of its great potential. Bengal should never allow any kind of linguistic imperialism, either by Hindi or Arabic. Declaration of Islamic state has aggravated communal harmony in Bangladesh.

Revolution is not just the change of power but rather it is total reorientation of the society in cultural, economic, political and social spheres. Revolution is movement in a positive direction, to ensure real freedom in all spheres of life, individual and collective. For the success of all-round revolution many factors are needed, the first and foremost of which is proper leadership. Only sincere, fearless and selfless personalities, who are human at heart and with towering will, can instill confidence in the people.

Let the cyclone strike your head,
Let a typhoon rise up,
Let all the arrows of destruction get exhausted.
With one determined mind
You have to cross this ocean of destruction,
Towards the new destination,
Carrying that victorious flag of yours.”

– Ravindranath Thakur

The second factor for success is the awakening of the society’s collective consciousness by reviving its spiritual culture and heritage. Without this no society can march towards emancipation. The third factor is a clear-cut programme to reconstruct society in the economic, social, cultural and political spheres. Otherwise, in the post-revolutionary period the achievements will be vitiated by power-struggle and by the domination of a new class. This we can clearly see in France, Russia and China where revolution was followed by ruthless suppression of the people. The fourth factor is an organisational structure that can put the revolutionary ideology into action. Finally, it is essential to distinguish between the exploiters and the exploited. Then only is it possible to arouse the people against the real causes and source of exploitation.

Revolution is not a dreamy fantasy of the idealist, nor should it be the platform for the megalomania of a ruthless dictator. Revolution is the expression of the wills of all strata of people to redress injustice and to secure freedom. The sweet gospels of peace will not wipe out the tears of suffering humanity. Revolution will take shape only through relentless struggle and gallant sacrifice.

The poisonous snakes are
spreading their venom everywhere,
The sweet gospels of peace
will echo as a humiliating sound.
Before passing away,
I give clarion call to those
who are preparing themselves
to fight against the demons.”

– Ravindranath Thakur

Only by coordinating all the five factors mentioned above will it be possible to strike a crushing blow to the citadels of oppression and exploitation.

A new light of consciousness is emerging on the soil of Bengal. The effulgent rays of a new renaissance are appearing, removing the veil of darkness. The Bengali race will once again exert the determined effort to conquer the frowning of eternal time. In the language of Ravindranath Thakur: “I shall hope, after the great devastation, in the clear sky of history, the appearance of the pure (the self) will begin t the sunrise of the new dawn from the eastern horizon. Once again the invincible man will move forward, on the path of his victorious journey, surmounting all the obstructions, to recover his lost dignity. I consider it as a crime to believe in the ultimate, unredress fate of humanity.”14

The effulgent radiance of the ideology of P.R. Sarkar will usher in a new renaissance in the whole world. The glory that is Bengal will not remain unknown cpnfined to one corner of the Earth. She will merge her brilliance with the whole of humanity, with all that is this universe.

Oh Lord, give us the pride
to invite the arduous,
to go through enormous suffering.
Pull us from the attachment to the pleasant dreams,
destroy with your might the meanness of our mind.
Remove the bondages of slavery from our mind,
the helpless surrender to fate,
Renove our ignorance that surrenders the
dignity of man to the incapable.
Crush the shyness accumulated over ages
with your fierce stroke.
Without hesitation

let us raise our head
in the endless sky,
in radiant light,
in the wind of freedom.”

– Ravindranath Thakur


  1. The Dawn Society was established in July 1902 in Calcutta, British India under the stewardship of Indian educationalist Satish Chandra Mukherjee. The organisation arose in response to agitation against the report of the Indian Universities Commission 1902 which was seen to be align more power within the Colonial settlers. Source: Wikipedia
  2. On 4 November 1905, Sachindra Prasad Bose, a fourth year student of Ripon College, Calcutta, took initiative to form the Anti-Circular Society in protest against the circular issued by R. W. Carlyle, then Chief Secretary of the Government of Bengal instructing Magistrates and Collectors to take stern measures against students involved in politics. Source: Wikipedia
  3. Bangla Desher Itihas (The History of Bengal) 4th Part. R. C. Majumder. General Printers & Publishers, Calcutta (1982).
  4. Ibid.
  5. Ibid.
  6. Ibid.
  7. Anushilan Samiti, “Practice Association,” was an Indian fitness club, which was actually used as an underground society for anti-British revolutionaries. Source: “Kolkata: Five spots linked to the freedom struggle you must know about,: N. Banka, Indian Express, 15.8.2019.
  8. Bangla Desher Itihas, as above.
  9. Ibid.
  10. The Indian Republican Army was a short-lived revolutionary army created by Surya Sen and the members of the Anushilan Samity in 1930.
  11. Bangla Desher Itihas, as above.
  12. Ibid.
  13. Ibid.
  14. Sabhyatar Samsat (Crisis of Civilisation and Other Essays). Rabindranath Thakur. Vishvabaharati, Calcutta (1941/1969).

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